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2020 Pennsylvania Ave., NW
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One Penn Plaza, Suite 6202
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Religion Newswire 202-546-0054
2020 Pennsylvania Ave., NW |
Remarks by John McCain on the Housing Crisis
Contact: Press Office, 703-650-5550; www.JohnMcCain.com Thank you
for joining me here today. I just returned from a trip overseas that
included assessing the state of affairs in While I was
traveling overseas, our financial markets experienced another round of
upheaval. This market turmoil leaves many Americans feeling both concerned
and angry. People see the value of their homes fall at the same time that
the price of gasoline and food is rising. Already tight household budgets
are getting tighter. A lot of Americans read the headlines about credit
crunches and liquidity crises and ask: "How did we get here?" In the end,
the motivation and behaviors that caused the current crisis are not terribly
complicated, even though the alphabet soup of financial instruments is
complex. The past decade witnessed the largest increase in home ownership
in the past 50 years. Home ownership is part of the American dream, and we
want as many Americans as possible to be able to afford their own home. But
in the process of a huge, and largely positive, upturn in home construction
and ownership, a housing bubble was created. A bubble
occurs when prices are driven up too quickly, speculators move into markets,
and these players begin to suspend the normal rules of risk and assume that
prices can only move up -- but never down. We've seen this kind of bubble
before - in the late 1990s, we had the technology bubble, when money poured
into technology stocks and people assumed that those stock values would rise
indefinitely. Between 2001 and 2006, housing prices rose by nearly 15
percent every year. The normal market forces of people buying and selling
their homes were overwhelmed by rampant speculation. Our system of market
checks and balances did not correct this until the bubble burst. A sustained
period of rising home prices made many home lenders complacent, giving them
a false sense of security and causing them to lower their lending
standards. They stopped asking basic questions of their borrowers like "can
you afford this home? Can you put a reasonable amount of money down?"
Lenders ended up violating the basic rule of banking: don't lend people
money who can't pay it back. Some Americans bought homes they couldn't
afford, betting that rising prices would make it easier to refinance later
at more affordable rates. There are 80 million family homes in Of those 80
million homeowners, only 55 million have a mortgage at all, and 51 million
are doing what is necessary -- working a second job, skipping a vacation,
and managing their budgets -- to make their payments on time. That leaves
us with a puzzling situation: how could 4 million mortgages cause this much
trouble for us all? The other
part of what happened was an explosion of complex financial instruments that
weren't particularly well understood by even the most sophisticated banks,
lenders and hedge funds. To make matters worse, these instruments -- which
basically bundled together mortgages and sold them to others to spread risk
throughout our capital markets -- were mostly off-balance sheets, and hidden
from scrutiny. In other words, the housing bubble was made worse by a
series of complex, inter-connected financial bets that were not transparent
or fully understood. That means they weren't always managed wisely because
people couldn't properly quantify the risk or the value of these bets. And
because these instruments were bundled and sold and resold, it became harder
and harder to find and connect up a real lender with a real borrower.
Capital markets work best when there is both accountability and
transparency. In the case of our current crisis, both were lacking. Because
managers did not fully understand the complex financial instruments and
because there was insufficient transparency when they did try to learn, the
initial losses spawned a crisis of confidence in the markets. Market
players are increasingly unnerved by the uncertainty surrounding the level
of risk, liability and loss currently in the financial system. Banks no
longer trust each other and are increasingly unwilling to put their money to
work. Credit is drying up and liquidity is now severely limited -- and
small business and hard-working families find themselves unable to get their
usual loans. The net
result is the crisis we face. What started as a problem in subprime loans
has now convulsed the entire financial system. Let's start
with some straight talk: I will not
play election year politics with the housing crisis. I will evaluate
everything in terms of whether it might be harmful or helpful to our effort
to deal with the crisis we face now. I have
always been committed to the principle that it is not the duty of government
to bail out and reward those who act irresponsibly, whether they are big
banks or small borrowers. Government assistance to the banking system
should be based solely on preventing systemic risk that would endanger the
entire financial system and the economy. In our
effort to help deserving homeowners, no assistance should be given to
speculators. Any assistance for borrowers should be focused solely on
homeowners, not people who bought houses for speculative purposes, to rent
or as second homes. Any assistance must be temporary and must not reward
people who were irresponsible at the expense of those who weren't. I will
consider any and all proposals based on their cost and benefits. In this
crisis, as in all I may face in the future, I will not allow dogma to
override common sense. When we
commit taxpayer dollars as assistance, it should be accompanied by reforms
that ensure that we never face this problem again. Central to those reforms
should be transparency and accountability. Homeowners
should be able to understand easily the terms and obligations of a
mortgage. In return, they have an obligation to provide truthful financial
information and should be subject to penalty if they do not. Lenders who
initiate loans should be held accountable for the quality and performance of
those loans and strict standards should be required in the lending process.
We must have greater transparency in the lending process so that every
borrower knows exactly what he is agreeing to and where every lender is
required to meet the highest standards of ethical behavior. Policies
should move toward ensuring that homeowners provide a responsible down
payment of equity at the initial purchase of a home. I therefore oppose
reducing the down payment requirement for FHA mortgages and believe that, as
conditions allow, the down payment requirement should be raised. So many
homeowners have found themselves owing more than their home is worth,
because many never had much equity in the house to begin with. When
conditions return to normal, GSEs (Government Sponsored Enterprises) should
never insure loans when the homeowner clearly does not have skin in the
game. In financial
institutions, there is no substitute for adequate capital to serve as a
buffer against losses. Our financial market approach should include
encouraging increased capital in financial institutions by removing
regulatory, accounting and tax impediments to raising capital. I am
prepared to examine new proposals and evaluate them based on these
principals. But I think we need to do two things right away. First, it is
time to convene a meeting of the nation's accounting professionals to
discuss the current mark to market accounting systems. We are witnessing an
unprecedented situation as banks and investors try to determine the
appropriate value of the assets they are holding and there is widespread
concern that this approach is exacerbating the credit crunch. We should
also convene a meeting of the nation's top mortgage lenders. Working
together, they should pledge to provide maximum support and help to their
cash-strapped, but credit worthy customers. They should pledge to do
everything possible to keep families in their homes and businesses growing.
Recall that immediately after September 11, 2001 General Motors stepped in
to provide 0 percent financing as part of keeping the economy growing. We
need a similar response by the mortgage lenders. They've been asking the
government to help them out. I'm now calling upon them to help their
customers, and their nation out. It's time to help American families. More
important than the events of the past is the promise of the future. The
American economy is resilient and diverse. Even as financial troubles weigh
upon it other parts of the economy hold up or even continue to grow. I have
spoken at length in other settings about the need to keep taxes low on our
families, entrepreneurs, and small businesses; to make the tax code simpler
and fair by eliminating the Alternative Minimum Tax that the middle class
was never intended to pay; to improve the ability of our companies to
compete by reducing our corporate tax rate, which today are the second
highest rates in the world; to provide investment incentives; to control
rising health care costs that threaten the budgets of our businesses and
families; to improve education and training programs; and to ensure our
ability to sell to the 95 percent of the world's customers that lie outside
U.S. borders. These are
important steps to strengthen the foundations of the millions of businesses
small and large that provide jobs for American workers. There is no
government program or policy that is a substitute for a good job. These
steps would also strengthen the U.S. dollar and help to control the rising
cost of living that hurts our families. These are important issues in this
campaign and the debate with my Democrat rivals. But I will get my chance
to talk further another day. Now I look forward to hearing from our small
business owners -- the very lifeblood of our economy. |
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